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                <text>Reminiscences of a Jewish girl</text>
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                <text>The life of Lea Fanarof</text>
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                <text>The interview was conducted on 07/09/1997 in USC.&#13;
During the two-hour interview, Lea reminisced about the events leading to her escape from Germany, and her later life. Lea Fanarof arrived in New York on the night before Christmas eve of 1939. The trip from Amsterdam took around two weeks, however, her journey towards freedom began much earlier. Lea was born in Berlin, Germany on February 24th, 1920. She was the first child of the couple formed by Regina Winkler and Jacob Schabinski. Lea’s birth last name was Schabinski, derived from her father. Jacob was born in Vilna, Lithuania and owned a deli in downtown Berlin. Her mother Regina, born in Warsaw, Poland, helped Jacob to run the shop, which called Genzewinkler. &#13;
In 1924, Regina gave birth to Zigmund and two years later to Tea. They were a very united, close family and travelled regularly to enjoy holidays. During the weekends, before her siblings were born, her father would take her to explore Berlin. Lea considered her father not very religious, she recalled that their family only visited Synagogues during religious holidays. Nevertheless, they would celebrate Jewish holidays and follow religious traditions in a rigid manner. &#13;
Throughout the first part of the interview, she focused on the year 1932. She considered it to be a turning point for both Germany and her life. In 1932 Lea was 12 years old. Despite her young age, she remembers the first signs that Germany was not the place for the Jewish community. As time went on, the first marches and parades started lighting up the streets at night. During the marches, they would stay inside the house. Lea and her family peaked through the window, and she vividly remembers scenes of the “brown shirts” marching down the streets at night, singing their songs, including anti-Semitic chants, which greatly terrified the Schabinski residence. The songs described Jews as being “a threat for Germany,” and that they would soon “disappear.” &#13;
After Hitler was assumed the role of Chancellor in January 30th, 1933 the changes took off. Lea described anti-Jewish policies as being secretive at first. She studied in a public school, and was the only Jewish student. There were approximately 500 students who throughout the period of anti-Semitic policy changes were never disrespectful or treated her differently due to her religion. Around 1935, school students had to watch Hitler’s speeches (shouting “Zieg Heil” and “Heil Hitler”) and sing Nazi chants. She remembers one horrible chant that described “Jewish blood on our knifes,” which had to be sung by students. &#13;
The first time they had to sing it, her teacher stopped the class during the song, as she was shocked regarding the anti-Semitic content, and promptly apologized to Lea. She told the interviewer that during his first speeches, Hitler was less explicit regarding his hate for Jews, and that he simply labeled them as a problem or threat for Germany. Another reflection of the cultural change that Germany was underway was the widespread use of anti-Jewish propaganda. Lea still had memories of the awful images personifying Jews as subhuman that could be seen in newspaper covers and walls on the street. &#13;
Lea’s 5th floor neighbors had relatives who were members of the SS, and offered help them whenever they could. On the night of Kristallnacht Lea saw them on the street corner holding iron bars, and foreshadowed the horror that was about to happen. Her neighbors suggested them not to stay home. They offered to help by safeguarding valuable items that the family wanted to keep. After Kristallnacht, her father had to close her shop and they had nothing left. By then, the synagogues were destroyed, and started applying for foreign visas, starting with Cuba.&#13;
However, after paying for the processing of their visas, $350 each, Cuba closed their borders. The money was sent from her family in LA, and was consequently used as means of survival. Consequently, they applied for U.S. visas. At first, they were asked for more guarantees by the American Embassy and had their papers denied. Her family living in LA managed to get an important businessman, called Harvey to send the desired guarantees, but the embassy insisted they had to come from family members and were again denied entry. They were given an ultimatum to pay them $5000 dollars, however that was a tremendous quantity of money at the time, and a quantity they did not have. &#13;
Lea took a very tough decision and left Berlin in route to Brussels, Belgium. She hired the services of a smuggler (payed $250 dollars) to pass her through the border with no papers, no visas and no passport. At the day of the interview, Lea still vividly remembered the moment her father nervously took her to the train station. She was only 19 years old and was leaving her family behind in search for freedom. During the trip, they encountered a problem and went to Holland instead. There, she met two women, one Czech and one Polish. They had also hired the services of the smuggler, and accompanied Lea in her trip to Brussels. The trip entailed high risk moves, and she was almost caught several times. After safely arriving in Brussels, it was time for her family to flee. Weeks after she arrived, they were reunited and lived in the city for roughly 6 months. &#13;
During this time, their family maintained contact with the American Embassy in Berlin, and finally got the authorization. The expiration date on their visas was on the 31st of December, meaning they had to arrive there before the given date. She boarded the cruise ship in Amsterdam in early December 1939, and the trip took 2 weeks. She described most people aboard to be Jewish refugees, and that the trip took longer than it usually would (about 6 days). They payed $1200 dollars in total, and had a few suitcases sent to NYC. They finally arrived in NYC during the freezing cold winter on the night before Christmas eve. &#13;
They did not contact their relatives in NYC, and therefore had to wait until morning to finally be welcomed into their home. They stayed in the Walter’s residence for two weeks, the time it took for them to find bus tickets to Los Angeles. When they arrived in LA, her aunts and cousins picked them up in the bus station. They lived in an old house at a black neighborhood on central avenue, where they stayed for 6 months. They thought they would arrive wearing babushkas, and were impressed they had regular clothes on! &#13;
They finally settled down in LA, and for the first time in years were safe. She spoke a bit of English beforehand, but attended school to polish her reading and writing, and get used to her new language. Her father found a job as a house painter and earned $2 a day. 6 months after they arrived, they moved to Brooklyn avenue as her parents still had difficulties adapting to the new language. In her new neighborhood, they could speak Yiddish. Lea then found a jo as a house and baby sitter, and earned 4 dollars a week. &#13;
After her first job, she managed to get a real, formal job that payed her a good amount of money (roughly $80 per week), and had settled down with her girlfriend. She mentioned that they kept in contact with their family in Europe, and that some family members had been executed by the Nazi regime. They also kept up with what was going on in Europe, and described suffering prejudice when the U.S. engaged in war with Germany, causing them to lie and instead say they were from Poland. &#13;
Lea got married to her Heim, who she described as being “soldier boy,” and the couple had two kids, Sidney in 1944 and Michael in 1948. She had 4 great grandchildren and seemed to be very happy with her family. She described being very open regarding her childhood experiences, and that she would open up to “anyone who wanted to hear it.” She described her experiences to cause nightmares throughout her life. These nightmares only stopped occurring in 1989, when she visited Berlin and had a great experience. She felt that younger generations were aware of the atrocities that occurred, and that they were very supportive of her. &#13;
Reminiscing about her life, she considered herself to be a survivor. She seemed to be very pleased with the life she lived, and wanted to share her story. Lea believed that those events could not be forgotten, as they would increase the likelihood of a similar situation occurring in the future. Her message was for us to never forget the Holocaust. She was a survivor, a witness and a warrior. Lea passed away in 2006, but she will always live in our minds. Her story will not be forgotten, and her survivor instinct provides us all with reasons to be strong when facing challenges, and that we humans have successfully been through periods of struggle in the recent years. &#13;
&#13;
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              <text>A crucial component to the success of Nazi propoganda activity was the party’s ability to portray a simple—albeit distorted—moral and economic landscape to a suffering Germany. To do so, they had to both account for the diverse causes of German problems and suggest their unique ability to solve them. This piece of propaganda concisely demonstrates key elements of the historical narrative of decay and prosperity that the National Socialists fed their followers; it also displays their methodology of doing so in an excessively racial, optical, and violent manner. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the top of the image is a Swastika, against a rectangular shape whose edges resemble splattered blood. Only the party’s name, and the word Liste read on the upper half of the photo. On the bottom half, a dagger nearly as large as the snake’s body is firmly stabbed through the animal’s head. Words branch outward: “Versailles, unemployment, war guilt lie, Marxism, Bolshevism, lies and betrayal, inflation, Locarno, Dawes Pact, Young Plan, corruption, Barmat, Kutisker, Sklarek, prostitution, terror, civil war” (Dr. Robert D. Brooks). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The poster, displayed in September of 1930, summarizes the turbulence of the preceding decade—defeat in World War I, a Versailles treaty that stripped Germany of over 10% of its land and inflicted reparations, and the establishment of a democratic Weimar government. By the time of the Reichstag election in 1930, Hitler had attracted a following both for his 1923 failed coup and for Mein Kempf (1925), a work of nationalistic, manly rhetoric; there Hitler began to develop his ideology that wartime surrender was a betrayal to those who had suffered gas attacks and machine gun barrages. In his study of Nazi activity in Northeim, Allen has shown that even to those who were mostly unaffected by the depression reverberating across the globe, fear of unemployment was a force for radicalization, and few political groups were as willing to embrace extremism and violence as the Nazis. Their campaign called for traditionalism, a renewed moral consciousness embracing religious values and conventional institutions; their message, carried forth largely by young German men, was aimed at war veterans and the middle class. Accordingly, across Germany party members organized spectacles of festivals and conferences, where they called for “fervent patriotism and avid militarism” (Allen, 35). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The concise list of words on the poster demonstrates the categorical connections essential to the National Socialist ideology. Economic decay and inflation are not only problems in themselves, the National Socialists held, but also symptoms of a wider moral decay. To fuel this message, the Nazis cited the names Barmat, Kutisker, Sklarek, three merchant Jews who were involved in a 1925 scandal. Reich President Ebert and top Social Democrats were publicly accused of being bribed by Jews in pursuit of bribery and fraudulent loans (Geyer, 211). In September of 1930, the Democratic Socialists successfully maintained a strong majority in the Reichstag. But the Nazis saw, Allen has noted, a countrywide “meteoric rise” (Allen, 40). At least in Northeim, they gained support largely from disaffected, new voters, attracted to their shows of strength. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Just as the list of words summarizes the National Socialists’ diagnosis of German ills, a subtle detail of the poster reflects a goal of the NSDAP. It is noteworthy that, though the tip of the weapon is planted into a Jewish star, it is unclear whether the animal already carried the symbol, or if the knife was used, in the first place, to carve it. Indeed, the latter seems more probable. After all, the star is not only etched in red but also loses shape at its bottom, as its sixth point ceaselessly blends into a stream of blood pouring from the snake; the edge of the knife also appears parallel to the line that would comprise part of the star. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Before 1933, the total population of Jews in Germany was around 500,000, less than 1% of the total population (Bloch, lecture 10). Bergen has pointed out that in “appearance, habits of daily life, or language (Bergen, 19), European Jews were largely indistinguishable from their neighbors. And Nazi ethnic cleansing laws would certainly later apply to other minorities—including disabled people—but here the party importantly portrays the Jews not as merely inferior but rather as dangerous, the mythological symbol of cunning and sin. In the Bible, the snake secretly infiltrates the divine, pure garden of Eden, seduces Adam and Eve, and banishes humankind for posterity to the fate of mortality, suffering, and moral corruption. This symbolic imagery hearkens to fears born in the wake of the first Great War. Because there was little fighting on German soil and very few foreign soldiers, nationalist generals and professors convinced a portion of the public that defeat was due to disloyalty within Germany (Bergen, 64-65). Such fears found greater voice amidst scandals like the one I have mentioned in 1925. The image of the snake suggests that the German Jewry has entered the otherwise pure land of the volk, thereby inducing the two key kinds of “corruption”—both “usury” and “prostitution” (i.e. economic and moral). Carving the Jewish star thus speaks not only to the strength with which Hitler will attempt to reinvigorate an embarrassed Germany. Rather, the image more broadly encapsulates the National Socialists’ plan and method: they promise to shed light on the allegedly clandestine corrupting workings of the Jews, evidenced by Barmat, and answer their alleged crimes with a forgotten sense of militancy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;References: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Allen, William Sheridan. The Nazi Seizure of Power. Brattleboro, Vermont: Echo Point books &amp;amp; Media: 2014. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bergen, Doris L. War &amp;amp; Genocide : A Concise History of the Holocaust. Lanham, Md.: Rowman &amp;amp; Littlefield, 2002. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bloch, Brandon. “Lecture 10.” February 27, 2020. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Martini H. Geyer, “Contested Narratives of the Weimar Republic.” In Weimar Publics/Weimar Subjects : Rethinking the Political Culture of Germany in the 1920s. Edited by Kathleen Canning, Barndt Kerstin, and Kristin McGuire.New York: Berghahn Books, 2010.</text>
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              <text>In “Then and Now,” a Nazi propaganda cartoon published in Die Brennessel on January 16, 1934, two images draw a sharp contrast between the Weimar and Nazi governments. In the top image, labeled Einst, or “then,” a Jew with a big nose and devilish smile stretches his massive hand over a German farm, while the residents, tiny in comparison to the Jew, are seen running away in fright. By contrast, the bottom image, labeled Jetzt, or “now,” shows a stern Nazi policeman slapping the Jew’s hand with a baton. The Jew is furious, while the German residents happily tend to their farm. &#13;
The variety of messages conveyed by this cartoon reflect many key facets of how the Nazis appealed to German voters in late Weimar Germany. The Nazis viewed Communism as a Jewish plot, and one of the core ideologies of Communism is the abolition of private property. Thus, the image of a Nazi protecting people’s property from the Jews is meant to show how Nazis will protect the Germans from Communism. Similarly, the Nazis felt that the Social Democrats and the rest of the Weimar government were too weak to protect the German people, and thus the strong Nazi policeman in this image reminds a voter which party will really protect them. Overall, “Then and Now” serves as a microcosm of the way the Nazi party attracted voters in the early 1930’s. &#13;
	One of the most striking features of “Then and Now” is the depiction of the greedy Jew, with his diabolical smile, seizing the German farm. At first glance, this portrayal seems to be a rehash of a classic anti-semitic trope — Jews had been stereotyped as money-hungry for centuries in Europe (Lecture 2), and this cartoon is undoubtedly playing off of that stereotype. Yet, the particular form of greed displayed here — land theft — indicates that the cartoon is truly about another hatred of Hitler’s: Communism. Hitler believed that Jews had created Communism “as part of a plot to destroy Germany” (Bergen 56), and connecting Jewish greed with Communist land-theft was an effective way of uniting these issues in people’s minds. &#13;
Furthermore, this idea of “Judeo-Bolshevism” served as a strategy to convince otherwise-apathetic Germans to adopt Nazi antisemitism. For example, one man interviewed by Allen said that he was not especially antisemitic, but he “saw the Communist danger, the Communist terror” (Allen 85). Indeed, after the Russian Revolution, and the rise of the German Communist Party, many Germans were concerned about a Communist takeover. Thus, linking these two issues allowed Hitler to capitalize on the fear of Communism to push his antisemitic agenda to the German public. &#13;
The second aspect of “Then and Now” that highlights a Nazi electoral strategy is the use of force by the policeman to stop the Judeo-Bolshevist from taking the German house. After the humiliating loss of World War I, many Germans thought that the Social Democratic leadership of the Weimar Republic “symbolized the civilian weaklings who had supposedly betrayed Germany’s fighting heroes” (Bergen 64). Thus, the Nazis portrayed themselves as strong protectors of the German people; the Social Democrats may let the Jew steal your land, but the Nazis will stop him. Indeed, the German family in the “then” picture is portrayed as running away, whereas the “now” family is living happily under Nazi protection.  &#13;
However, there is a more sinister side to the Nazi use of force highlighted in “Then and Now.” A key Nazi strategy was the constant threat of physical violence, with the omnipresent SA reminding Germans that opposition to the Nazis was not the best idea (Lecture 7). The SA would constantly incite violence in German towns, and “the violence … was another step toward bringing the town’s troubled burghers over to Hitler’s side.” (Allen 68). Thus, viewers of “Then and Now” are reminded that the baton-wielding policeman who is stopping the Jew could just as easily be stopping them. &#13;
Overall, the cartoon “Then and Now” is an excellent example of the Nazi’s electoral strategies as they rose to power in the early 1930’s. The Jew depicted as stealing German property reminded voters of both traditional antisemitic tropes and the new threat of Communism. By uniting these two issues, the cartoon expands the reach of each individual ideology. Furthermore, the presence of the Nazi policeman reminds Germans that only the Nazis can protect them from the evil Judeo-Bolshevists, while at the same time sending the message that the Nazis are more than willing to use violence against their enemies. Looking at this cartoon, it is easy to see how effectively Nazis were able to sell their fascist ideology to voters during this critical time in their rise to power.  &#13;
&#13;
Works Cited:&#13;
&#13;
Allen, William Sheridan. The Nazi Seizure of Power: the Experience of a Single German Town, 1922-1945. Echo Point Books &amp;amp; Media, LLC, 2014.&#13;
&#13;
Bergen, Doris L. War &amp;amp; Genocide: a Concise History of the Holocaust. University of British Columbia Crane Library, 2017.&#13;
&#13;
Then and Now. Die Brennessel, 16 January 1934. From Calvin University German Propaganda Archive: https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/images/slides/011634.jpg &#13;
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