5 10 59 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/c3e59a62ffbc792e530b953a1c13afc9.jpg a3f1057932151e2a9b85e6998e38b071 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/0055bb35df18183e0aae3b4a55edaedb.jpg 3527f561e25e476bdd0dccba78591ea2 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/b4a0d123b3533b18c3663fa80172d686.jpg 3232570ab2665c4c4e08926ce61cdf74 Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis The first photograph is an image of Laura Hillman (Hannelore Wolff), reflects in the stamps that she was born in Aurich on October 16th, 1923. This image captures Laura before much of the chaos in Germany has begun and her life is turned upside down. In the picture of Laura, she has a necklace of David’s Star symbolizing her Jewish faith. The second photograph is an image is of Laura Hillman’s concentration camp record on stamped metal. This reflects her maiden name (Wolff), the year she was born (1923) and when she was deported to the camps (1942). This image says so much in its simplicity, summing up all of the violence, starvation, and atrocities that Laura faced during her time in each concentration camp into one stamped piece of metal. The final image is of the Brunnlitz concentration camp which is one that Laura stayed in. This image shows the barracks where the prisoners were forced to stay in, the barbed wire fences keeping people both from leaving and entering the camp and the smoke stacks in the distance where the ovens were. Although this image is merely a black and white aerial shot, the history held in this still image speaks volumes and the cries of the despaired can be imagined. The grainy, vintage fashion of this image makes it seem like the Holocaust took place a very long time ago, and in some ways distances most modern individuals from the event, but in reality the terrible tragedies of WWII occurred no more than 78 years ago—well below the age of many people’s elderly family members. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Laura Hillman Testimony Analysis Subject The topic of the resource Testimony Analysis Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alyvia Bruce Language A language of the resource English https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/411676385cb07b1e316d448204278ac8.jpg be52db6a826534315a9b3b3a9bea3ca4 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Beuthen Synagogue Description An account of the resource A photograph of the Synagogue in Beuthen, Germany Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Yad Vashem Archives Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://photos.yadvashem.org/photo-details.html?language=en&item_id=17668&ind=88 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Yad Vashem Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Yad Vashem Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG file Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/5d8580c79941f9af7ea3cf3823faffb1.jpeg 9afc8a55c56109978e3212094a643abe Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Eastern Jews in Germany Description An account of the resource Two Rabbis speaking outside of the Breuer Yeshiva in Frankfurt. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of Jacob G. Wiener Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/pa1148725 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available USHMM Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1936 - 1938 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Provenance: Jacob G. Wiener Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG image Type The nature or genre of the resource Photograph https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/1f50d454e52e6aca398fb73dc247e618.jpg 7cb471b218538a78a78ac8a80811fb34 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis A crucial component to the success of Nazi propoganda activity was the party’s ability to portray a simple—albeit distorted—moral and economic landscape to a suffering Germany. To do so, they had to both account for the diverse causes of German problems and suggest their unique ability to solve them. This piece of propaganda concisely demonstrates key elements of the historical narrative of decay and prosperity that the National Socialists fed their followers; it also displays their methodology of doing so in an excessively racial, optical, and violent manner. <br /><br />At the top of the image is a Swastika, against a rectangular shape whose edges resemble splattered blood. Only the party’s name, and the word Liste read on the upper half of the photo. On the bottom half, a dagger nearly as large as the snake’s body is firmly stabbed through the animal’s head. Words branch outward: “Versailles, unemployment, war guilt lie, Marxism, Bolshevism, lies and betrayal, inflation, Locarno, Dawes Pact, Young Plan, corruption, Barmat, Kutisker, Sklarek, prostitution, terror, civil war” (Dr. Robert D. Brooks). <br /><br />The poster, displayed in September of 1930, summarizes the turbulence of the preceding decade—defeat in World War I, a Versailles treaty that stripped Germany of over 10% of its land and inflicted reparations, and the establishment of a democratic Weimar government. By the time of the Reichstag election in 1930, Hitler had attracted a following both for his 1923 failed coup and for Mein Kempf (1925), a work of nationalistic, manly rhetoric; there Hitler began to develop his ideology that wartime surrender was a betrayal to those who had suffered gas attacks and machine gun barrages. In his study of Nazi activity in Northeim, Allen has shown that even to those who were mostly unaffected by the depression reverberating across the globe, fear of unemployment was a force for radicalization, and few political groups were as willing to embrace extremism and violence as the Nazis. Their campaign called for traditionalism, a renewed moral consciousness embracing religious values and conventional institutions; their message, carried forth largely by young German men, was aimed at war veterans and the middle class. Accordingly, across Germany party members organized spectacles of festivals and conferences, where they called for “fervent patriotism and avid militarism” (Allen, 35). <br /><br />The concise list of words on the poster demonstrates the categorical connections essential to the National Socialist ideology. Economic decay and inflation are not only problems in themselves, the National Socialists held, but also symptoms of a wider moral decay. To fuel this message, the Nazis cited the names Barmat, Kutisker, Sklarek, three merchant Jews who were involved in a 1925 scandal. Reich President Ebert and top Social Democrats were publicly accused of being bribed by Jews in pursuit of bribery and fraudulent loans (Geyer, 211). In September of 1930, the Democratic Socialists successfully maintained a strong majority in the Reichstag. But the Nazis saw, Allen has noted, a countrywide “meteoric rise” (Allen, 40). At least in Northeim, they gained support largely from disaffected, new voters, attracted to their shows of strength. <br /><br />Just as the list of words summarizes the National Socialists’ diagnosis of German ills, a subtle detail of the poster reflects a goal of the NSDAP. It is noteworthy that, though the tip of the weapon is planted into a Jewish star, it is unclear whether the animal already carried the symbol, or if the knife was used, in the first place, to carve it. Indeed, the latter seems more probable. After all, the star is not only etched in red but also loses shape at its bottom, as its sixth point ceaselessly blends into a stream of blood pouring from the snake; the edge of the knife also appears parallel to the line that would comprise part of the star. <br /><br />Before 1933, the total population of Jews in Germany was around 500,000, less than 1% of the total population (Bloch, lecture 10). Bergen has pointed out that in “appearance, habits of daily life, or language (Bergen, 19), European Jews were largely indistinguishable from their neighbors. And Nazi ethnic cleansing laws would certainly later apply to other minorities—including disabled people—but here the party importantly portrays the Jews not as merely inferior but rather as dangerous, the mythological symbol of cunning and sin. In the Bible, the snake secretly infiltrates the divine, pure garden of Eden, seduces Adam and Eve, and banishes humankind for posterity to the fate of mortality, suffering, and moral corruption. This symbolic imagery hearkens to fears born in the wake of the first Great War. Because there was little fighting on German soil and very few foreign soldiers, nationalist generals and professors convinced a portion of the public that defeat was due to disloyalty within Germany (Bergen, 64-65). Such fears found greater voice amidst scandals like the one I have mentioned in 1925. The image of the snake suggests that the German Jewry has entered the otherwise pure land of the volk, thereby inducing the two key kinds of “corruption”—both “usury” and “prostitution” (i.e. economic and moral). Carving the Jewish star thus speaks not only to the strength with which Hitler will attempt to reinvigorate an embarrassed Germany. Rather, the image more broadly encapsulates the National Socialists’ plan and method: they promise to shed light on the allegedly clandestine corrupting workings of the Jews, evidenced by Barmat, and answer their alleged crimes with a forgotten sense of militancy. <br /><br />References: <br /><br />Allen, William Sheridan. The Nazi Seizure of Power. Brattleboro, Vermont: Echo Point books &amp; Media: 2014. <br /><br />Bergen, Doris L. War &amp; Genocide : A Concise History of the Holocaust. Lanham, Md.: Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2002. <br /><br />Bloch, Brandon. “Lecture 10.” February 27, 2020. <br /><br />Martini H. Geyer, “Contested Narratives of the Weimar Republic.” In Weimar Publics/Weimar Subjects : Rethinking the Political Culture of Germany in the 1920s. Edited by Kathleen Canning, Barndt Kerstin, and Kristin McGuire.New York: Berghahn Books, 2010. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The serpent of German evil by Charles Levene Description An account of the resource A sword stands firmly struck through a snake, on whose head a Jewish star is marked, and from whose body various words appear. The Swasitka is at the center of the image. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NSDAP Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived German Propaganda Archive. See: https://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/posters1.htm Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource September 1930 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Jpeg Language A language of the resource German Type The nature or genre of the resource Propoganda Image Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Dr. Robert D. Brooks https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/82d167d448974e1a23af60c11d5e1105.jpg f2a7e0b296d769ea021317324c4088fb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis In “Then and Now,” a Nazi propaganda cartoon published in Die Brennessel on January 16, 1934, two images draw a sharp contrast between the Weimar and Nazi governments. In the top image, labeled Einst, or “then,” a Jew with a big nose and devilish smile stretches his massive hand over a German farm, while the residents, tiny in comparison to the Jew, are seen running away in fright. By contrast, the bottom image, labeled Jetzt, or “now,” shows a stern Nazi policeman slapping the Jew’s hand with a baton. The Jew is furious, while the German residents happily tend to their farm. The variety of messages conveyed by this cartoon reflect many key facets of how the Nazis appealed to German voters in late Weimar Germany. The Nazis viewed Communism as a Jewish plot, and one of the core ideologies of Communism is the abolition of private property. Thus, the image of a Nazi protecting people’s property from the Jews is meant to show how Nazis will protect the Germans from Communism. Similarly, the Nazis felt that the Social Democrats and the rest of the Weimar government were too weak to protect the German people, and thus the strong Nazi policeman in this image reminds a voter which party will really protect them. Overall, “Then and Now” serves as a microcosm of the way the Nazi party attracted voters in the early 1930’s. One of the most striking features of “Then and Now” is the depiction of the greedy Jew, with his diabolical smile, seizing the German farm. At first glance, this portrayal seems to be a rehash of a classic anti-semitic trope — Jews had been stereotyped as money-hungry for centuries in Europe (Lecture 2), and this cartoon is undoubtedly playing off of that stereotype. Yet, the particular form of greed displayed here — land theft — indicates that the cartoon is truly about another hatred of Hitler’s: Communism. Hitler believed that Jews had created Communism “as part of a plot to destroy Germany” (Bergen 56), and connecting Jewish greed with Communist land-theft was an effective way of uniting these issues in people’s minds. Furthermore, this idea of “Judeo-Bolshevism” served as a strategy to convince otherwise-apathetic Germans to adopt Nazi antisemitism. For example, one man interviewed by Allen said that he was not especially antisemitic, but he “saw the Communist danger, the Communist terror” (Allen 85). Indeed, after the Russian Revolution, and the rise of the German Communist Party, many Germans were concerned about a Communist takeover. Thus, linking these two issues allowed Hitler to capitalize on the fear of Communism to push his antisemitic agenda to the German public. The second aspect of “Then and Now” that highlights a Nazi electoral strategy is the use of force by the policeman to stop the Judeo-Bolshevist from taking the German house. After the humiliating loss of World War I, many Germans thought that the Social Democratic leadership of the Weimar Republic “symbolized the civilian weaklings who had supposedly betrayed Germany’s fighting heroes” (Bergen 64). Thus, the Nazis portrayed themselves as strong protectors of the German people; the Social Democrats may let the Jew steal your land, but the Nazis will stop him. Indeed, the German family in the “then” picture is portrayed as running away, whereas the “now” family is living happily under Nazi protection. However, there is a more sinister side to the Nazi use of force highlighted in “Then and Now.” A key Nazi strategy was the constant threat of physical violence, with the omnipresent SA reminding Germans that opposition to the Nazis was not the best idea (Lecture 7). The SA would constantly incite violence in German towns, and “the violence … was another step toward bringing the town’s troubled burghers over to Hitler’s side.” (Allen 68). Thus, viewers of “Then and Now” are reminded that the baton-wielding policeman who is stopping the Jew could just as easily be stopping them. Overall, the cartoon “Then and Now” is an excellent example of the Nazi’s electoral strategies as they rose to power in the early 1930’s. The Jew depicted as stealing German property reminded voters of both traditional antisemitic tropes and the new threat of Communism. By uniting these two issues, the cartoon expands the reach of each individual ideology. Furthermore, the presence of the Nazi policeman reminds Germans that only the Nazis can protect them from the evil Judeo-Bolshevists, while at the same time sending the message that the Nazis are more than willing to use violence against their enemies. Looking at this cartoon, it is easy to see how effectively Nazis were able to sell their fascist ideology to voters during this critical time in their rise to power. Works Cited: Allen, William Sheridan. The Nazi Seizure of Power: the Experience of a Single German Town, 1922-1945. Echo Point Books &amp; Media, LLC, 2014. Bergen, Doris L. War &amp; Genocide: a Concise History of the Holocaust. University of British Columbia Crane Library, 2017. Then and Now. Die Brennessel, 16 January 1934. From Calvin University German Propaganda Archive: https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/images/slides/011634.jpg Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Then and Now Subject The topic of the resource Nazi Cartoon Description An account of the resource A picture contrasting "then," a Jew taking a German farm, and "now," a Nazi stopping the Jew from doing so. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Die Brennessel (Nazi Humor Magazine) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Calvin University German Propaganda Archive https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/images/slides/011634.jpg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Calvin University German Propaganda Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource January 16 1934 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © 2015 by Randall Bytwerk Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource .jpg image Language A language of the resource German Type The nature or genre of the resource Cartoon Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Michael Gul https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/bd3763740c61b339c9a695fc4223952a.jpg 68b11586c7c2a4c3e5e963cbe22903b6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis Created in the year of the Reichstag elections, this 1936 political poster seeks to convince the German electorate of Hitler’s business credentials in a trying economic time, providing evidence that his economic plan is working for the country after it had been hit by the Great Depression. This is one of the very few posters I have found that uses an infographic and it depicts a change in the number of cars, workers, and wealth in the German automotive industry from 1932 to 1935. The more cars and money depicted in each of these bars, the larger the worker, connecting manufacturing success in German industries to the idea of a strong German workforce and economy. The image of the strong German worker became a symbol for nationalism and the Nazi party promoted the simple message of ‘work, freedom, and bread!’ and here, this symbol is being connected to Hitler’s help in growing the automotive industry (Bloch, Lecture 5). The poster contains vast amounts of facts and figures, so many it almost overwhelms the viewer, and seeks to convince them of the Nazi’s technical abilities. Whilst the average person will walk away from this poster without remembering the actual figures, they will be left with a sense that they can trust the party with these complex issues because they know the numbers. The creator of the poster has chosen to write these numbers out in a particular way to emphasize the sheer size of success the party has had in this industry, writing 150 000 000 instead of 150 million; to a passerby, the number of zeros looked enticing when the economy had taken a downturn. Many propaganda posters were fairly minimalistic and were in keeping with a propaganda regime that requires material should be ‘simple’, yet this poster is bursting with facts with little whitespace, almost forcing a viewer to accept the party’s success is unfathomable and beyond their understanding. Whilst most of these facts and figures and small, the figure referring to the number of jobs created in the industry, at 250 000, is in an especially large font. This certainly resonates with the swelling unemployed working-class population. The unemployment crisis ‘terrified and repelled’ the middle class, who I believe is the real target audience of this poster (Allen, 140). The Nazi party certainly did portray antisemitism in their propaganda, but they incorporated this within a barrage of anti-Marxism to try and entice the disillusioned middle classes, appealing to ‘small businessmen, shop clerks, and the rural population’ (Allen, 29). As the ‘traditional middle-class parties were in disarray’ and the threat of Communism was looming, the Nazis capitalized on the otherwise neglected middle class, who were concerned with the future of German industries. The creator has chosen to fixate on the automotive industry, a predominantly middle-class pursuit, and a symbol of technological advancement. With the West leading the way in terms of technology, Hitler was keen to catch up. The Nazi party had significantly more difficulty convincing the socialist working class to join them; as Allen recalls, ‘Northeim’s workers were known for their extreme anti-Nazism’ (Allen, 55). Instead, the party relied on convincing their middle-class employers to join the party and fire those that refused. Bullying tactics employed by the railroad industry successfully coerced many working-class employees to join the party and Nazism ‘started with the highest officials and worked downwards’ (Allen, 116). This technique may have been used in other industries, such as the automotive industry as highlighted in this poster. An interesting point to note is that this poster does not advertise the Nazi party as a whole but Hitler himself. The repetition of the ‘Führer’ followed by an action word, such as ‘gave’ or ‘promised’ is in line with typical Nazi propaganda, which focused on exposing the population to the same message countless times, whilst portraying Hitler as an active leader (Bloch, Lecture 5). Given that the Nazi party initially began with many local branches, it was essential that the leader could be portrayed as strong, competent, and able to bring Germany out of the economic downturn. With the rest of the political leaders imprisoned or simply floundering, Hitler began to appear like the only viable option. The celebration of Hitler in this poster is similar to that found in The Triumph of Will, directed by Leni Riefenstahl and released the year before this was created. The film paints Hitler in a somewhat romantic glory, as the savior of Germany, which is carried through into this poster, showing Hitler’s promises to the German people. The focus has shifted from the party to its leader, painting him as the person who will actually act in the interests of the frustrated German population. By Olivia Bryant Works Cited: Allen, Willaim Sheridan. The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930 - 1935. Chicago, Chicago Quadrangle Books, 1965. Bloch, Brandon. Lecture 5, History 1049, Spring 2020. Riefenstahl, Leni. Triumph of the Will. Youtube, 13 Jan. 2020 ( accessed at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ntQMQTLxLSY) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Hitler and the Automotive Industry: NSDAP 1936 Poster Description An account of the resource A poster from early 1936 encouraging voters to vote for Hitler on 29th March 1936, focusing on automotive ownership and the economy. Reads: “The Führer promised to motorize Germany. In 1932, 104,000 motor vehicles were manufactured, 33,000 people were employed, and goods with a total value of 295,000,000 marks were produced. In 1935, 353,000 vehicles were manufactured, Over 100,000 people were employed, and the value of goods produced was 1,150,000,000 marks. The Führer gave 250,000 people’s comrades jobs in the auto industry and its suppliers. German people: Thank the Führer on 29 March! Give him your vote!” Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NSDAP Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/posters/cars.jpg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Calvin College, German Propaganda Archive, courtesy of Dr. Robert D. Brooks Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Early 1936 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource .jpg Language A language of the resource German https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/6fd916e861ed7d335bdbd5f41a50e5a2.jpg 0c937cbf94704700346f24de78f7e663 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis This image of Hitler and President Hindenburg standing together was published in March 1933 as propaganda for the Nazi Party leading up to the Reichstag Elections (5 March 1933). These elections occurred after Hitler had been made Chancellor of Germany in January 1933 and preceded his Enabling Act (23 March 1933) which gave Hitler dictatorial powers. The significance of this is that these elections were the last multi-party elections held in a unified Germany until 1990. Within this context, I believe this propaganda poster targeted the average German citizen in order to convince them of Hitler as the natural successor to Hindenburg as the one to lead Germany forward. One striking visual element that supports this idea is the similarity in height between Hindenburg and Hitler (albeit Hitler looks slightly shorter). In fact, it is well documented that Hindenburg was a giant of a man (he stood at some 195cm) while Hitler was of smaller stature (at some 175cm). Indeed, this was a technique also seen in the Riefenstahl propaganda film, “Triumph of the Will”, as shots of Hitler were often taken from a low angle to disguise his height [Riefenstahl, Triumph of the Will]. This alteration reflects the desire of the Nazi party to elevate Hitler to a heroic status in the eyes of German society – something which Hindenburg (as their primary First World War hero) had already achieved. Hindenburg himself had not endorsed Hitler, having defeated him in the 1932 presidential elections, and appointed him Chancellor in 1933 to satisfy the dramatic rise in power of the Nazi party (which had won a plurality in the November 1932 elections) rather than due to belief in his person. As such, the text of the source, which states that “In the deepest need Hindenburg chose Adolf Hitler for Reich Chancellor. You too should vote for list 1”, appears to be aimed at convincing the public of Hindenburg’s personal endorsement of Hitler. This suggests that Hindenburg’s stamp of approval was an important factor in swaying public opinion at the time. The phrase “deepest need” has a similar effect as, despite its ambiguity, it has the effect of creating an atmosphere of crisis within Germany at the time such that Hitler was viewed as a solution. Indeed, this idea of a ‘solution’ reflects one of the main aspects of Nazi ideology which was that they considered their movement to be a new direction for Germany after the troubles of the First World War, subsequent post-war years and the Great Depression. The background of the source subtly accentuates this message. The sky in the background is yellow to represent dawn which has connotations of this ‘dawn of a new era’ that the party tried to associate with the rise of their movement. Indeed, the sun can be seen rising over the German landscape which further reinforces this image of a glorious new departure for Germany and its people. Furthermore, the military-like salutes and Nazi flags waving in the background serves to create an association between this new direction and the military/organisation machine of the party. Finally, the temporal context of this source is particularly important when considering the purpose of its message. These Reichstag elections occurred at a time after the Nazi party had seized power in Germany (January 1933) and directly preceded the Enabling Act of 1933. The aim of the Nazi Party in the elections was to establish a political majority within the Reichstag such that they could exert complete political control over Germany. However, this was ultimately achieved by the Enabling Act rather than any legitimate electoral means which suggests a potential ulterior motive of this propaganda. Indeed, the personal emphasis on Hitler and Hindenburg is reflective of the aim of the party to cement their view of Germany that was centred on Hitler as a personality [Bloch, Lecture 5]. It might be that, under the context of the Reichstag Elections, this propaganda poster was published with the intent of creating the impression of Hindenburg handing over the reins to Hitler. The fact that Hindenburg is looking off into the distance, rather than at Hitler, as they grasp hands is indicative of this idea of him handing over control. Furthermore, the fact that this propaganda refers directly to Hitler, rather than the party, serves to reinforce the message of Hitler as the personal embodiment of Germany and the Nazi Party. By Anthony Monaco Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Poster from the March 1933 Reichstag Election Subject The topic of the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource A poster that shows Hitler together with President Hindenburg. The text reads: "In the deepest need Hindenburg chose Adolf Hitler for Reich Chancellor. You too should vote for List 1.” Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NSDAP Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Calvin College Nazi Propaganda Archive: 1933-39 posters https://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/posters2.htm Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Dr. Robert D. Brooks Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1933 https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/dfe6c8b3f7169b2a2dd02d03306a0152.jpg 7c08907c7eb422371ffadbc6a1b2baf2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis This poster was produced by the NSDAP for the November 1932 election, which would ultimately be the last fair election held by Germany until after the war. In order to best understand the underlying message the piece is conveying, first the historical context in which it was produced must be examined. The Nazi Party was, at the time, riding a wave of momentum from the summer of 1932. They had just secured their largest percentage in a German election with 37% (Lecture 6) and Franz von Papen’s grip on Germany was loosening: he was now employing a “permissive attitude” (Allen 125) with the Sturmabteilung. This progress was not, however, without setback. Franz von Papen was consolidating power in Prussia with a coup d’état on July 20 (Allen 117), and the KPD would see increased support as the fall drew on. (Lecture 6) Thus, during the November 1932 elections, the Nazi Party faced opposition from two sources— the KPD, the German Communist party, and Franz von Papen, who sought to secure a majority in the Reichstag. This instance of Nazi propaganda highlights von Papen’s weakness— he had been until this point unable to amass a significant base of support. He was, therefore, according to the NSDAP, incapable of culling the rising Bolshevik threat. The poster addresses these weaknesses directly: "Bravo, Herr von Papen! Keep up those emergency decrees, and the pension and pay cuts” Papen is here harshly criticized for tending to his own constituency— an emergency decree to seize power in Prussia, and the use of Article 48 to cut pensions and wages (Bergen 144)— instead of addressing the greater threat to Germany: the rise of Bolshevism. The function of the text, therefore, is simple— it appeals to working-class Germans, unconcerned with tax cuts nor the political sovereignty of Prussia. Von Papen is depicted as ignoring a problem that is not only festering in his own country, but he is doing so at the expense of the common man. Given his urgency to draw wider support, his portrayal as an incompetent elitist by the NSDAP clearly hindered his goal and drew popular support to Hitler. “In short, the NSDAP succeeded in being all things to all men. This was even reflected in the use of the name in advertisements, which were signed “National Soc. German Wkrs. Party,” “Nat. Socialist Germ. Workers Party,” or other variations according to the needs of the moment.” (Allen 142) The Nazis worked tirelessly to portray themselves in this light— as the party of the working man— representing Franz von Papen as hopelessly out-of-touch with the common man was simply another way to achieve this aim. In contrast with the more subdued text, the rise of Bolshevism is personified quite clearly by the looming skeleton in Red Army fatigues. This may perhaps be an homage to Marx’s line, “A specter is haunting Europe…” (Marx & Engels 1) Regardless, the figure’s menacing pose and outstretched arms imply a sense of immediacy to the Bolshevik situation. The poster is also printed entirely in shades of red, a fitting color, and furthering the message that Bolshevism is an immediate threat to Germany. Just as the NSDAP positioned itself as a party for the workers of Germany, so too did the KPD. Thus, a more forceful tactic is employed by the NSDAP for swaying working class German Voters: Bolshevism is not characterized by its policies, nor even its successes and failures in the fledgling Soviet Union. Instead, it is characterized only as both foreign and menacing. The skeleton is not wearing a German Stahlhelm, nor German army fatigues— his outfit is notedly foreign— Russian. He is dressed in military garb; almost akin to an invader. And perhaps least subtly, Bolshevism is depicted as a skeleton. These are not appeals to German logic and intellect— they are appeals to emotion. The NSDAP has equated Bolshevism with a physical manifestation of a foreign invader, someone or something that would never have Germany’s best interest at heart. In defining Bolshevism, the Nazi party often avoids specifics; instead, routinely mentioning what it is not: “[Bolshevism opposes] the Nazi goal: ‘the folkish, organic, God-fearing man.’” (Allen 90) The only remaining choice for Working Class German Voters would be the NSDAP. This is related as such by the poster, “Only one man can rescue us from Bolshevism: Adolf Hitler!” The poster also provides insight into the future of how the NSDAP would view and treat the KPD. The next election— March 1933— was held immediately after the Reichstag fire; which was attributed to Communist conspirators. The Reichstag Fire decree would further cement Hitler’s control over Germany. By November of that same year, all parties save for the NSDAP would be banned. (Lecture 7) Although propaganda always deals partially in hyperbole, there is still some truth in how the “Bolshevik threat” was viewed by the Nazis. It was certainly seen as not something to be taken lightly, and when their opportunity arose, the NSDAP quickly dispatched the KPD. Allen, William Sheridan. Thalburg: the Nazi Seizure of Power in a Single German Town, 1930 to 1935. 1962. Bergen, Doris L. War & Genocide: a Concise History of the Holocaust. University of British Columbia Crane Library, 2017. Lecture 6, History 1049, Brandon Bloch Lecture 7, History 1049, Brandon Bloch Marx, Karl, et al. The Communist Manifesto. Monthly Review Press, 1998. Gordon Goodwin Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Bravo, Herr von Papen!" Description An account of the resource Anti-Bolshevik propaganda poster that depicts a skeleton wearing Red Army attire looming menacingly. "Bravo, Herr von Papen! Keep up those emergency decrees, and the pension and pay cuts. That will give us communists our last chance.’ Is that to be what happens? No! Only one man can rescue us from Bolshevism: Adolf Hitler!” Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NSDAP Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/posters/papen2.jpg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Calvin College, German Propaganda Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1932 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Courtesy of the University of Minnesota Library Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource .jpg Language A language of the resource German Type The nature or genre of the resource Nazi Propaganda https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/bd7b4798362166b59098faefa21c3de7.jpg 9ce419ed04bb0f5746771f0ba7b34009 Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis This 1932 propaganda poster is from the July Reichstag election. This election followed the premature end of the Reichstag and the Nazi party made great gains in which, for the first time, they became the largest party in parliament, but didn’t win a majority. Adolf Hitler is appointed as chancellor of Germany, which inevitably leads to the rise of Hitler and the Nazi Party in the years to come. The poster reads, “Over 300 National Socialists died for you — murdered by Marxist sub humanity!!! For work and food vote Adolf Hitler List 2.” The main argument that this poster is making is anti-communist, and pro-NSDAP, in addition to underlying pro-Christianity aspects in the visual aspect of the poster. In order to further analyze this piece of propaganda, the visual aspects of the poster must first be analyzed. The poster pushes for the election of Adolf Hitler in the 1932 election against Paul von Hindenburg. In the background of the poster is a cross with a swastika in the middle. The colors of the poster are red, black, and white. Each of these aspects present in the propaganda poster will be analyzed and compared to the 1927 NSDAP Propaganda Guidelines (Propaganda) and the later published Nuremberg Laws throughout this analysis. This poster was created and circulated at the tail end of the Great Depression, which is noted in the mention of jobs and food being given if Adolf Hitler is elected. During the Great Depression (August 1929 - March 1933), unemployment rose from 8% to 30% and industrial production dropped 42%. After appointed chancellor, Hitler used the economic environment to push for policies that were extremely nationalist: buying German goods only, and mainly getting the current administration out of leadership. Hitler and the rest of the Nazi Party blamed the current political and economic demise on the Jews and Communists. It is especially clear in the poster’s writing that the Communists were blamed for the Nazis killed during the political battles on the streets and in political meetings. This poster is mainly directed at the communists and targets them as the reason people must vote for Hitler for food and jobs, because in a normal, modern society these items are a given. The presence of a cross on the poster is a subtle target at religions other than Christianity in Germany. The Jehovah’s Witness and the Jews were not being outright violently targeted quite yet, but not even three years later, the Nuremberg Laws were published which legally “excluded Jews from German society” (Nuremberg). The Jehovah’s Witness members were despised by nationalists in Germany as the religious members sought to spread the Jehovah Witness religion by door-knocking and other such measures and with their ties to the United States. Apart from the communists, the Jehovah Witness were one of the first groups targeted by the Nazi Party (Bergen). This is in part due to the previously listed facts, but also due to it being against their religion to bear arms or swear loyalty to the state. In June of 1933, Prussia issued a ban on Jehovah Witness members stating that they were attracting and harboring former members of the Communist and Marxist parties. Evaluating the cross and swastika in regards to the rest of history, the cross also symbolizes anti-Semitism which primarily was because Nazis had convinced themselves that Jews were responsible for the traumatic collapse of the German home front and military moral in 1917 and 1918 (Moses). This piece of propaganda highlights the Nazi regime’s lack of tolerance for any type of semi-radical groups (religious, political etc.). This piece of propaganda is going to look different and have different motives than later pieces of propaganda because when this poster was circulated, Adolf Hitler had not yet been appointed chancellor and WWII had not yet started, and many of the “standard Nazi policies” had not yet been implemented. However, the 1927 Propaganda Guidelines had been published and this poster reflects them to a tee. Propaganda, according to the guidelines, must “always speak to the masses”, “limit itself to a few themes and repeat them incessantly”, “preaching prosperity... and patriotism to our confused people” (Propaganda). This reflects the Reich Flag Law (which came after the poster was published - 1935) which states that the colors of the Reich are black, white, and red (Nazi Sourcebook 186). In many ways this poster is simply a political election poster, but analyzing this piece of propaganda as a stand-alone poster does not allow for the proper reflection and it must instead be juxtaposed with the rest of the NSDAP propaganda posters produced between the late 1920s and 1940s, and with that perspective it is clear that the intentions of this poster is much more than just supporting Adolf Hitler’s election and has many underlying themes as discussed. This poster does an exemplary job at predicting the course of the future for Germany and the war, reflecting ideas and opinions that become furthered exploited in the 1930s and 40s: anti-communism, anti-Semitism, anti-Jehovah Witness, pro-nationalism, and pro-NSDAP. Works Cited: Propaganda Abteilung, Propaganda (Munich: Reichs-Parteileitung der N.S.D.A.P., 1927). Doris L. Bergen, War and Genocide: A Concise History of the Holocaust, 3rd ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2016). ISBN: 9781442242289. Office of the US Chief of Counsel for Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1946), Vol. IV, pp. 7-10, 707, Vol. V pp. 916-17 [Docs. 2079-PS, 1416-PS, 1417-PS, 3179-PS] A. Dirk Moses, “Colonialism,” in The Oxford Handbook of Holocaust Studies (2010) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource July 1932 Reichstag Election Poster Subject The topic of the resource Propaganda poster from the July 1932 Reichstag Elections Description An account of the resource The text translates as: “Over 300 National Socialists died for you — murdered by Marxist sub humanity!!! For work and food vote Adolf Hitler List 2.” The reference is to Nazis killed during the political battles on the streets and in political meetings. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dr. Robert D. Brooks Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://www.bytwerk.com/gpa/posters1.htm Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Calvin College Nazi Propaganda Archive: pre-1933 posters Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July, 1932 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource JPEG Language A language of the resource German Type The nature or genre of the resource Propaganda Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Alyvia Bruce https://s3.amazonaws.com/atg-prod-oaas-files/hist1049-20/original/d75b5d1864a7ea291a43c6686d5571fa.jpg e5102c0d3a90f4d49a6be01eb0ee316d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Nazi Propaganda Description An account of the resource Images for Propaganda Analysis Item with Analysis This adds an analysis field so you can add that to an item Analysis This poster is a piece of propaganda from the 1936 referendum, in which Reichstag seats were filled and the people voted whether they supported the German occupation of the Rhineland. It reads “Before: Unemployment, hopelessness, desolation, strikes, lockouts. Today: Work, joy, discipline, camaraderie. Give the Fuhrer your vote!” The image primarily makes an economic argument, but an underlying message of social order persists nonetheless. Furthermore, the visual elements of the image reveal more about the message of the poster. Before further analyzing the argument, it is necessary to analyze the context of the image. In the background, the poster shows an unemployed man, a worker that is locked out, and a worker that is on strike. This ostensibly refers to the economic crises of the Weimar Republic. On October 19, 1929 the stock market crashed and plunged Germany into chaos since their economy was highly dependent on America’s via the Dawes Plan; this crash was accelerated due to the bankruptcy of the Creditanstalt bank in Vienna in July 1931 (Bloch). At one point, six million people were unemployed (Bloch). This economic collapse brought shame to the nation and eventually led to the collapse of the Social Democratic Party. This poster was made in 1936--seven years after the stock market crash and three years after the Nazi consolidation of power. The main argument the poster is trying to make is one of economic stability. In the wake of the referendum (in which all candidates were from the same party), the Nazis wanted to remind the German citizens that they saved the country from economic collapse. The inscription creates a stark dichotomy between the chaotic, unemployment-filled years of the SPD misrule and the joyful peace of the Reich. Although claiming the economic strife of the 30s led to the Nazi rise is deterministic, this poster demonstrates that economic stability indeed was an important factor for many Germans. The proud figure of the German worker in the center not only represents the reinvigoration of the economy, but it shows the new social order created by the Nazi party. Hitler and the Reich were able to provide the German people with a job and a place in the community of the state. The inscription reads “discipline and camaraderie.” The Reich Labor Service brought stability and organization into a divided Germany. Leni Riefenstahl captures this in The Triumph of the Will. Hitler addresses the workers and tells them that they are an indispensable part of the German structure. He then claims that the average German worker is no less important than a soldier (Riefenstahl). In addition to winning the referendum, this unity and camaraderie that Hitler created is extremely important because it is around this time that Germany would begin to mobilize and prepare for military expansion. Similarly, the Nazis agreed to host the Olympics in Berlin the same year to bolster national pride and show the world Germany was no longer weak. The most striking visual elements of the poster are contrasts between the colors. The background featuring the disgruntled workers is red and blurry, which represents the chaos and instability of the SPD regime. However, the foreground is bold, clear, and well-defined, showing the stability and power of the Reich. Additionally, color is used over the inscriptions to create different tones. The text of the “Before” inscription is red and black, which appears angry, whereas the color for “Today” is calmer and more appealing to the reader. The overall appearance of this poster shows the progression of propaganda under Josef Goebbels. Early propaganda posters were monochromatic and text-heavy, whereas the materials produced after 1933 were complex and visually striking. The main audience of this poster would be the middle-class workers and youth. My first instinct would be that this poster appealed to lower-class workers because a major theme was unemployment. However, the poster demonizes striking and lockouts, which was a tactic used by unions and lower-class workers. If I were to guess, a previous KPD or SPD supporter would not appreciate this poster (if they were not already imprisoned). Rather, this poster would comfort a middle-class person who was scared by the striking and economic fragility of the socialists and Social Democrats in the early parts of the decade. Furthermore, this post could appeal to young Germans because it shows that they have a place in the Reich. A vote for the Nazi party is a vote for a world where no Junge is unemployed ever again. A vote for the Fuhrer is a vote for the future of Deutschland. Works Cited Riefenstahl, Leni, director. Triumph of the Will. Youtube, 13 Jan. 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ntQMQTLxLSY. Bloch, Brandon J. HIST 1049. Lecture 6. 13 February 2020. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NSDAP Poster for the 1936 Referendum Description An account of the resource Propaganda Poster from Nazi Germany Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived digitalcollections.hoover.org (Stanford University Hoover Archives) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Hugo Fischer Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource March 1936 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource A.J. Veneziano